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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (May 4, 1900)
-rr TTTR arOTESING OHEGOXIAN, FRIDAY, MAY 4, 1900. Eciereg at the PostoSco at Portland. Oregon, J eecond-class matter. TELEPHONES. Editorial 2tooma.... ICO 1 Business Office.-.. .667 REVISED SUBSCRIPTION RATES. By Mail (post ace prepaid). la Advanc Dally, with Sunday, per month... .......$0 85 Dally, Sunday excepted, per year ........ 7 60 Dally, with Sunday, per year........... 9 00 Sunday, per year 2 00 The Weekly, per year 1 50 The Wceklj. 3 months... ......... ...... 50 To City Subscribers Dally, per week, delivered. Sundays excepted.lSa Dally, per week, delivered. Sundays lncluded.20a News or dlvusslon Intended for publication In The Orcyonlan should be addressed Invariably "Editor The Oreronlsn." not to the name of ny Individual. Letters relating to advertising, eubacrptlone or to any business matter slculd be addressed simply "The Oregonlan." The Oregonlan does not buy poems or stories from Individuals, and cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts sent to It without solicita tion. No htamps should be Inclosed for this purpose. Pugct Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson, office at 1111 Pacific avenue. Tacams. Box 83Z, Tacoma postoface. Eastern Business Offie-The Tribune bulld trg. New York city; "The Rookery." Chicago: the & C. Beckwlth special agency. New York. . For sale In San Francisco by J. K. Cooper. 746 Market street, near the Palace hotel, and at Goldsmith Bros.. 23C Sutter street. For sale in Chicago by the P. O. News Co.. 217 Dearlorn street. TODAY'S "WEATHER. Threatening, with showers, probably attended by thunder; cooler during afternoon: south to west winds. PORTLAXD, FIUDAY, MAY 4, 1900. IX OUR. HANDS. "Who Is to be the next President de pends upon the six states from New York to "Wisconsin. The Fusion party's appeal In these states will be made for abandonment of the Philippines. Upon public sentiment In these pivotal states a profound effect will be exerted by the result of the Oregon election in June. We know how Oregon's vote Is awaited all over the country as an index of November's verdict In a Presidential year. We know how great influence Oregon's vote exerts upon the voters of the whole Nation. Here Is a serious responsibility thrust upon the voters of this state. It would be better for us if we held our general election in the FalL But we don't. The crisis is upon us, and cannot be dodged. The Pacific Coast has pursued through many years an uphill struggle for the large place in achievement and affairs to which its position and re sources seem to entitle it. It would lie a tedious and depressing study to recount the difficulties under which this struggle has been carried on. We wel comed the railroads, only to learn that their concern for us is to exploit the consuming power of our people for the "benefit cf their Eastern patrons. They make It so costly for raw materials to come here and finished products to go back, and so cheap for Eastern wares to come in, that only exceptional ad . vantages enable home manufacturers to eke out a precarious existence. They pursue a systematic policy of destroy ing Pacific Coast jobbing trade in order to build up Eastern jobbers, and to this day they propose to defy -not only equity, but the natural advantages given us here through water connec tion by way of Cape Horn. With our domestic commerce and iifacturers throttled in this way. we are also denied foreign commerce. Fronting on awakening Asia, we are not permitted to do the business with .Asia. It is done on the Atlantic Coast, through the Suez Canal, while the rail roads, which punish our domestic in dustry and stifle trans-Pacific com merce with heavy tariffs, forbid us also what benefit we might derive from the Nicaragua Canal. AH that Congress can do to keep us from trading with Asia, It does. The Canadian Pacific, Jto which our patriotic statesmen at Washington can deny nothing, carries Oregon flour and Southern cotton across In its steamships and brings "back by rail across tho American con tinent the silk and tea New York and New England receive in payment. Why does Congress tax tea, which comes to Pacific ports, and let in free coffee, which comes to Atlantic ports? Why are duties clapped on Japanese matting, and added duties on silk, "whenever extra revenues are to be raised or the tariff revised? Why was Congress so anxious to set the Porto Rico tariff precedent except it was through fear that through free trade with the Philippines somebody on this Coast might do a little business? On this dark and devious way a light at last has dawned. With the Philip pines In American hands and with half-way reasonable conditions for shipping across the Pacific, the re spurces and position of this Coast might at last have a chance to assert themselves. Such enterprise and ambi tion, patience, skill and Industry as our people have, might at last be nermltted fe-to achieve something if worthy of it. or else to fall In fair competition. But across the path a new obstacle has arisen. To Congress and the railroads must now be added the Fusion party in the I'nlted States. If It can help it, there will be no American entrance Into the Pacific, there will be no trans Pacific trade, there will be no devel opment cf this coast but through the same painful struggle that has pre vailed hitherto. Mr. Bryan comes out here and to our faces advocates the , -cbanlonmcnt of the Philippines. He goes back and represents such aban donment as the sentiment of our peo- rHe should be rebuked in June. Ivery xmia that votes the Foxion ret June 4 votes to tie n xutll ue nliont the neck of Orejron in- Fstrj, to throttle trniis-Paclflo vade, to continue the Nubservleuce fof this Conxt to the Influences that save hitherto held back: its pros . Every iium that votes the Fu ion tlcliet June 4 votes to kill bnxi- eH in every' Pacific Const city and addle lmrdshtp on the children lie 'will leae behind birrt. . If the report of the brutal punishment of a scldler In the Canadian contingent of the British Army Is true, it shows that the British are as far behind the United States In the matter of treat ment c f the common soldier as they are in the use of modern and common-sense tactics. It is another Illustration of the fact that England must reform her "whole military system before she can lope to make war successfully against good soldiers armed with high-power rises, iirutai ana degrading punisn- ments have been eliminated from the American Army and Navy, and the icn continue to fight as well as ever. and discipline has in no degree been relaxed. England must draw her offi cers from the body of the people if she iHtrould have an army fitted to accom plish results under present conditions. A hint frcm Canada that she will recall her troops if they are not better treated might open the eyes of the War Office at London to the evil of harsh and cruel punishments. THE CANAL AXD THE TIUSATY. The article of Henry Wade Rogers in the Hay Forum is an admirable sum ming up of the unanswerable argu ments for neutralization of the Nica ragua Canal, and against the policy of trying to insist on fortifications. The paper is an excellent brief for the for eign relations committee of the Senate, whose report upon the Hay-Pauncefote treaty was so conclusive and satisfy ing. But when Mr. Rogers uses these arguments in an effort to set aside the Senate amendment to the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, he falls into a transparent non-sequltur. Mr. Rogers shows with great wealth of citation that neutralization of the canal is not only our own historic pol icy, but Is the policy as well cf Nica ragua and Costa Rica and of the na tions of Europe. With the exception of Blaine and Frellnghuysen, Secretaries of State from 1881 to 1885, neutraliza tion has been affirmed continuously, and was resumed by Cleveland as it Is now reaffirmed by Secretary Hay. All treaties bearing on the subject, no matter by what nations negotiated, have recognized the doctrine either spe cifically or by Implication. It is clearly shown, moreover, that neutralization, In any true and consistent sense, ex cludes fortifications. On this point Mr. Rogers quotes many authorities, in cluding Admiral Dewey, who correctly observes that to fortify the canal would only make it a battle-ground, and he might also have adduced Captain Ma han's theory that our defense of the Isthmus lies In sea power, that is, a navy and naval bases, for which Cuba and Pensacola supply incomparably the best sites. One could wish that Mr. Rogers had offered a modicum of evidence or argu ment in support of his pure assumption that the Senate amendment to the Hay-Pauncefote treaty destroys neu tralization and carries with it fortifi cations. The presumptive evidence Is all against him. The amendment spec ifies simply this: It Is agroed. however, that none of tho Imme diate foregoing conditions and stipulations In sections 1. 2. 3. 4 and 5 ot this act shall apply to measures which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by Its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order. Now the same report that offers this amendment is specific and eloquent In defense of neutralization and In oppo sition to fortifications. The proviso is borrowed from the Suez undertakings, and Mr. Rogers' only fault with the parallel Is to say that we have no body of water corresponding to the Red Sea In Its relation to Egypt. It is incum bent on him to show that control of the mouth of the Mississippi and the Gulf of .Mexico Is not quite as essential to us as control of the Red Sea Is to Egypt. "Control" in the Suez under taking does not carry fortifications with It, and It Is pure assumption to say that It does concerning the Nicaragua Canal. The Constantinople treaty pro vides that "measures which the Otto man Government might take for the defense of Its possessions should not in terfere with the free use of the canal, neither should they extend to the erec tion of any permanent fortifications"; and Mr. Rogers says "this restriction of power is not embodied in the Senate amendment." One is tempted to ques tion the sincerity of this utterance, for though the restriction Is not contained in the amendment, the omission has a very good and altogether sufficient reason. This reason is that the restric tion Is contained in the treaty itself, thus: The canal shall bo free and open in time of war as in time of peace, to vessels of com merce and of war of all notions. No fortifications shall be erected command ing the canal or the waters adjacent. The treaty does provide that "the United States, however, shall be at lib erty to maintain such military police along the canal as may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and dis order." Is this not quite properly sup plemented by the Senate amendment permitting "measures which the United States may find It necessary to take for securing by its own forces the defense of the Interests of the United States and the maintenance of public order"? If not, why not? LORD ItOBERTS BLUNDERED. It Is clear today that Lord Roberts committed a serious blunder, on his oc cupation of Bloemfonteln, March 15, In not promptly occupying In strong force the whole line from Bloemfonteln to Ladybrand. A cordon of troops holding Sanna's Post, Thabanchu and Lady brand would have prevented the Boer raid to De Wet's Dorp and Wepener. His failure to occupy this line permit ted the Boer Invasion of the Free State southeast of Bloemfonteln. In this raid the Boer General has been brilliantly successful. On March 31 the Boers de feated and dispersed a British detach ment at Sanna's Post, .within twenty miles of Bloemfonteln, and on April 2 they held the Bloemfonteln water works. Five companies of British in fantry were captured by the Boers April 4, at Reddersburg, thirty miles south of Bloemfonteln. Next the Boer raiders besieged Wepener, just below the angle on the Basutoland frontier, and about sixty miles from Bloemfon teln. Lord Roberts sent half of his army of 80,000 men to bag the Boers harassing the flank, but the enemy slipped away, carrying with him great supplies of grain and cattle obtained from this fertile district, besides re cruiting the ranks of their army and demoralising the returning loyalty of the inhabitants in the Orange Free State. The losses of Lord Roberts have not been large, but the success of the en emy has been of substantial 'conse quence in restoring the morale of the Boers, which had been shaken in the Orange Free State and the Transvaal by the brilliant- success of Lord Rob erts in reaching Bloemfonteln. This Boer raid has postponed the advance of Lord Roberts doubtless several weeks, and has given them ample time to choose their positions and perfect their defenses on the line of the British northward march. The success of this Boer raid will, of course. Insure Its rep etition on the flanks of his army at every opportunity. The British line of supplies is a one-track railroad; the British Army will be compelled to keep near to It In the forward movement, and to guard It closely In rear of the advancing columns. If Lord Roberts had. as promptly as possible after his arrival at Bloemfonteln, secured his right flank from the Boers by posting a cordon of troops from Bloemfonteln to Sanna's Post, Thabanchu and Lady brand, he would have saved the whole of the southeast of the Orange Free State from Invasion and prevented the destruction, capture and removal of vast quantities of military food sup plies in shape of gniin and cattle. The success of this Boer raid and the easy escape of the enemy stamps It as easily the best military exploit thus far wrought by the Boer commanders. General Joubert did nothing to com pare with General Botha's raid in dar ing, skill and rapidity. The explana tion of Lord Roberts' sin of omission Is that he underrated the mobility and enterprise of the enemy, a thing that it is very hard for an Englishman to keep from doing. MAKE AX EXD OF IT. There Is less excuse today than eer before for further dalliance with the Philippine insurrection. The real lead ers of the native opposition, its men of brains and energy, for whom Agulnaldo served as a figurehead, have nearly all been captured. But one General of Im portance, Pio Pilar, still remains under arms, and he has now but a band of guerrillas at his back. The Filipino army is completely dispersed At the height of its power it contained not more than 10,000 men who could be called soldiers In any sense. Most of these had seen service In the Spanish army, had been drilled and disciplined to a certain extent, and were capable of being maneuvered as troops. The remainder of the Filipino forces- our volunteers encountered and dispersed last Spring were undisciplined, un trained and timid men with arms In their hands, about 30.000 with rifles and bolos and as many more with bolos only. They scattered like sheep as our troops advanced upon them, and even the trained soldiers fled whenever the Americans charged them. This army has completely melted away, a few guerrilla bands, composed chiefly of the remnants of the real soldiers and armed with Mausers, being all that Is left of It In the center of Luzon, where the real war has been carried on. The chief fighting of late has been in the outside provinces with poorly armed bands of savages who have not before come in contact with the Ameri cans. One genuine contact Is generally enough. J results In a crushing defeat, with heavy losses to the Filipinos and slight losses to the Americans. Ex periences elsewhere seem to be lost upon them, and each band has to learn for Itself the impossibility of meeting the Americans. This Is doubtless due to the almost inconceivable self-conceit of the Tagal and to the lying boasts the Insurgents have continually made of their great victories. The people of each new district invaded by our Army have always, until the actual appear ance there of the soldiers, believed that the insurrection was successful and that the Americans have been defeated everywhere. Hence they give the troops a battle, lose heavily, and flee In terror when they realize their mis take. In a wild and mountainous country. Inhabited by a primitive race but par tially won to the ways of civilization, as Is the case in the Philippine Islands everywhere except in the Immediate vi cinity of Manila and other ports, where brigandage is common and murder Is not looked upon with horror, and where guerrilla life Is considered by thousands of young men without any family ties as a more pleasant one than a life In volving work, an unsettled, seml-war-llke condition "will prevail as long as such a condition shall continue to be treated by us as one of legitimate war. Tho time has come when outlaws and brigands, who prey upon the communi ties they terrorize and murder citizens and foreigners at will, regardless of their military status, should be treated as such. A proclamation should be Is sued setting a day upon which all arms must be surrendered, and all acts of violence and plunder committed there after should be treated as the deeds of outlaws and punished accordingly. The United States owes it to civilization to put an end to the present condition of affairs in the Philippines. The military government should be terminated, civil rule established, and the country opened to commerce and industry. The millions of peaceable citizens should not longer be made to suffer, directly by the exactions and Indirectly by stagnation of Industry and commerce, from the violence of the few thousands who are now plundering in the name of patriotism. In 1840 Macaulay wrote In a private letter: It Is foolish and wicked to bellow for war merely for war's sake. I would never make offensive war. I would never offer any other power a. provocation which might be fair ground for war. But I would never abstain from doing whet I had a clear right to do be cause a. neighbor threatens me with unjust war; first, because such a policy would, in the end. Inevitably produce war; and, sec ondly, because I think war, though a very great evil, by no means so great an evil as subjugation and national humiliation. Macaulay was as thorough-going, patriotic an Englishman as ever lived. His father, the son of a Scotch Presby terian minister, was a lifelong associ ate of Wilberforce in his long crusade against slavery, and his mother was of Quaker parentage; but Macaulay was a pugnacious man, and, like all great English statesmen, never surrendered to Pickwickian philanthropy what was meant for mankind. He approved of the military execution at Peshawur during the Indian Mutiny of 1S57, when forty men were blown at once from the mouths of cannon, and wrote: "I, who cannot bear to see a beast or bird In pain, could look on without winking while Nana Sahib underwent the tor ture of Ravlllac" Macaulay would never have been a Gladstonian In deal ing with the Boers, nor an Agulnaldlst in dealing with the Filipinos. The theory that Agulnaldo has been killed by the Igorrotes has more sup port than the mere fact that he was last heard from some three months ago In the wild mountain district Inhabited by that semi-savage tribe and with but a mere handful of followers. The Igorrotes have never been friendly to the Tagals, who have always treated them In a contemptuous manner. In deed, that has been the attitude of the Tagals towards all of the tribes of Lu zon and the other Islands whenever they, have come In contact, and this Is one of the strongest reasons why a gov ernment of the natives could not be maintained there without perpetual warfare. The Igorrotes are an under sized race, inferior in Intelligence, armed with knives, bows and arrows, spears and blow-guns. They are not courageous nor warlike, and a small body of armed men could penetrate their country with impunity; yet they would not hesitate to ambush travelers J or murder them treacherously. It has always been considered unsafe for travelers in their country. So long as Agulnaldo had even a small body of soldiers with him, he was safe, and could treat the inhabitants like beasts of burden according to the immemorial Tagal practice, compelling them to carry his baggage and furnish him sup plies for nothing; but when he became practically helpless In their country, he was certainly exposed to great peril, and his only hope of escaping assas sination was to get away from that re gion as quickly as possible. Special vengeance was declared against him by the leader of the band of Igorrotes who was wounded and captured at the time of the attack upon Manila. He had been deceived by Agulnaldo as to the Americans and their fighting quali ties, and he and his men had been placed in the front rank with their bows and arrows and leather shields. This served to stimulate the ancient hatred of the Igorrotes for the Tagals, and made their country a still more unsafe refuge for the Filipino leader. Senator Rawlins is justified in his Indignation at the comparative treat ment by the War Department of the Astor Battery and the Utah Battery. The former was sent home and mus tered out at a time when every fighting man worth anything was needed in the Philippines to meet the threatened in surrection. Its guns were retained and given to another organization. Al though In a soldier's eyes this amount ed practically to being sent home in disgrace, the men were given travel pay and commutation of subsistence. In contrast with this, the Utah Battery, a splendid v organization, which re mained long after its term of enlist ment expired and did valuable service In the field, was sent home on crowded transports and not allowed travel pay. This Is true also of all the volunteers who remained to fight, In contrast with those who were discharged and sent home earlier. In this matter the re wards of patriotism and valor seem to be In Inverse ratio to the service per formed. Agonclllo's statement that a Phila delphia firm has offered to supply the Tagals with munitions of war need not excite any one nor call for special In credulity. If the coin were forthcom ing, no doubt many other American firms would consider the sale of arms and ammunition to the Filipino insur gents, or any other body of men spoil ing for a fight in any country on earth, a good stroke of business. Much of the present supply of arms possessed by the Filipinos was purchased through a firm of Americans at Hong Kong, both prior to the outbreak and subsequently, and this firm also maintained an office in Manila, Just across the street from Army headquarters, where it was con venient to deal with our own Army In furnishing khaki uniforms and other quartermaster's supplies. Greed is not patriotism. We shall have grim and terrible as pects to the Nome rush, just as there were to the wild and tragic stampede to the Klondike. The horrifying Clara Nevada disaster Is more than likely to be repeated in the same ghastly man ner. What are the Puget Sound au thorities doing that they permit vessels to leave Seattle that are notoriously unfit for the arduous experiences of the North Pacific and Arctic Seas? It is more than suspected that they did not do their full duty during the excite ments of 1697-98. They ought to be made to do It now, before some whole sale horror advertises their gross neg lect, or their colossal Incompetency. It Is one or the other, or both. The difference between what the Ore gon farmer nets for home-made butter and what he might receive through dealing with the creameries may not seem large enough to induce him to change his methods, but it is in taking advantage of Just such differences that one merchant or manufacturer suc ceeds while others fall. Success in farming rests upon the some foundation as in other pursuits. Business methods cannot be Ignored. Jim Ham. Lewis Is In Detroit for the purpose of acquainting Mr. Bryan with the important fact that he Is a Vlce Presldentlal candidate. Last year Lewis proposed Schley for the place. This Is not treason; it is mere fickle ness; and a great man ought to be priv ileged to change his mind as often aa he changes his shirt. In that event, Lewis would be entitled to a new can didate every day. This is the season of favorite sons. It is an unlucky state that has no Vice Presidential candidate. Oregon Is rich In the possession of the Hon. Milt. Mil ler, the Sage of Lebanon. Mr. Miller enjoys the rare distinction of having his own unqualified support for the Vice-Presidency. No matter, then, about the indorsement of conventions or the approbation of parties. The Nicaragua Canal Is now up to the Senate. There is the abode of Its false friends. They will probably have their way, but much will have been accomplished If we find out who they are. Young Mr. Reld has been carpenter ing around on a platform until he has bulldcd one that he thinks ought to suit the "Citizens" Legislative candi dates. It will. So will any other. The mighty O'Day appears to have displayed great skill and thoroughness In steering the Democratic machine into the ditch. The rebellion against the "Republi can machine" seems to be spreading to all the Democratic papers In the state. Vote of Organized Labor. Washington Post. Both parties realize that the result of the struggle this year will depend largely on the attitude of organized labor in the Northwest. Will the prosperity argument, strong as It is, insure Republican tri umph? Will discontented labor, will wage workers who are on strikes, whose fam ilies are suffering for food, and for whose support other workers are contributing a part of their earnings will men thus situated be more likely to vote for the party in power than for the opposition? Today in Chicago, acrording to the Times Herald, "40,030 honest and capable work men aro Idle, with $15,000,000 -worth of work awaiting their acceptance of the highest average wages ever paid for simi lar service." It is understood that the wages and hours are satisfactory, but that the em ployers refuse to accede to some of the demands of the unions. The result is that 40.000 men, who might be earning $120,000 a" day, are Idle. This paralyzes various other kinds of business. It is a general demoralizer of Industries. And just this sort of trouble Is likely to spread through other . trades In many cities. It is a product of prosperity as much as of anything else. High wages and steady employment will not prevent, but actually stimulate, these disturbances. And there Is no question that their influ ence in politics is always adverse to the party in power. LEWIS, THE ERUDITE. Remarks on the Pretensions of the Washington Statesman. Alnsleo's Magazine. "If the human brain was properly lik ened by De Qulncey to the. palimpsest of the ancients, that of Jim Ham Lewis falls to disclose under the fluid action of the will tho literary treasures committed to Its keeping. He quotes philosophy, he quotes poetry, he quotes economics, he quotes Scripture, he quotes Latin and. al most Invariably misquotes. But to the multitude, such are his suavity and ad dress that his misquotations serve to clothe him with the dignity and wisdom of the sage. He has moreover, an amus ing infelicity in his scholastic flights. He affects to esteem Hortensius highly, to revere Cicero as his model, and he has discoursed glibly about Jeremy Bentham as his contemporary. In concluding a brief to be filed in the Stato Supreme Court once, he mado a lengthy quotation from Virgil, accrediting it to Homer. "When the error was pointed out by a law partner, he exclaimed, indignantly, "Confound that stenographer!" In smoothing over his bad breaks, he la never wonting In readiness of excuse. On the stump once he scored a political opponent as a "horrible Centaur with the head of a human being and tho body of a snake." When a friend challenged his information next day, he replied: "That Is nothing, my dear boy a mere slip of the tongue." In his periphrastic deliriums Lewis is likely to Invent quotations. One of his common campaign tricks in 1S9S was to read from the Republican text-book state ments it did not contain. He has been caught resorting to the same device In court; he has been trapped citing authori ties that did not exist, and quoting from others wrongly. On one occasion ho felt Inspired to test his familiarity with Gib bon, so he attributed to the historian, the following verbal pyrotechnics: "Gibbon was right when he said, "Rome never lost her liberty until the money, tho life-blood of the country, was sapped from her vitals by tho hands permitted to lay themselves upon tho ventricles ot her free heart, and draw the blood from hor, and when the light of the republic: went out, the Ufo of her citizens expired." Clark's Xerv York Residence. Senator Clark, of Montana, Is making preparations to erect in New York cits tho finest private residence in the world. He has purchased tho property adjoining his present residence at the corner of Fifth avenue and Seventy-seventh atreet, which will give him room for a large mansion. Architects are now at work perfecting the plans, which provide for a picture gal lery and statuary hall two stories in height, surrounded by an imposing dome. This opens Into a state dining-room in such a way as to give the effect of ono vast apartment, and a similar arrange ment will be made with the conserva tory on the other side. The most Imposing architectural feature of tho house will be a marble staircase running to the top and lighted by a dome of stained glass. Tho exterior walls will be of granite and 350 men are now at work cutting It In Maine. The facade fronting Fifth avenue will bo what the architect calls "modernized Louis XTV," and will be very ornate. The house alone will cost $5,000,000, and no limit will be placed upon the interior decorations. Yesterday Mr. Clark paid $65,000 for a lot 102 by 53 feet In size at the corner of Park avenue and Seventy-sixth street. New York, where ho will erect a $150,003 stable. Foibles of the Professor. "A German professor says a man can be weaned from the tobacco habit by feeding him sausages." "Welners, I suppose." Cleveland Plain Dealer. "The age of superstition Is rapidly passing," said the professor, "Yes," replied the doctor, "spooks no longer have even a ghost of a chance." Philadelphia North American. Bobbs Did you read Professor Tellyscope's article on how to weigh stars? Dobbs No. But I suppose jou'd weigh them Just the same as you would chorus girls, wouldn't you? Balti more American. "Professor," the seeker after knowledge In quired of the great toxlcologlst, "If a tarantula were to bite you, what would be the first thing you'd dor' "Yell!" replied tho scientist, promptly. Philadelphia Press. "I don't believe professors know so much." said Mamie. "Why! How can you talk sor rejoined Maud. "Well. I don't see why Mr. Fulpate should have seemed so surprised and puzzled when I asked him how to say "rubber neck In Greek." Washington Star. Professor How did you get along with mj formula for the use of 'shall' and wlirr Professor's Friend Oh, gracious, man! Before I had read half way through It I was so be fuddled that I couldn't remember what It was I had started out to learn. Indianapolis Jour nal. Hoar's Prophecy of 1895. New York Sun. The Commercial Advertiser prints the subjoined passage as part of a speech de livered by Senator Hoar, of Massachu setts, at tho Pilgrims' day celebration at Plymouth five years ago next December: The tree our fathers set covered at first a little space by the seaside. It has planted Its banyan branches In the ground. It has spread along the Lakes. It has girdled the Gulf. It ha rpanned the Mississippi. It has covered the prairie and the plain. The sweep ot Its lofty arches rises over the Rocky Mountains and the Cascades and the Nevadas. Its hardy growth shelters the frozen regions of the North west. Its boughs bang over tho Pacific. And In time In good time It will send Its roots beneath the waves and receive under its vast canopy the Islands of the sea. Eloquent and patriotic words! Discern ment and prevision and rhetorical expres sion worthy of Mr. Hoar at his best! If. Senator Hoar uttered this prophecy at Plymouth Rock In 1S05. a hundred anti expansion speeches by him in 1S0O cannot efface that noble metaphor of the tree. A Belated Proposition. Boston Herald. The Chicago Times-Herald urges that the vote on the Quay case should be a final settlement of the right of Gov ernors to appoint United States Senators In cases where Legislatures have had the opportunity to elect and have failed to do so. This proposition comes two years too late. Tho Senate's action In the Oregon case, when it decided by a vote of more than two to one that there was no such right, should have settled this question. If the Senate would not agree to It under that preponderance. It can hardly be relied on to do so now, when the majority Is but one vote. In giving this heavy vqte to the side of Quay, the Senate has trifled with its own dignity and raised a suspicion of the stability. If not the Integrity, of Its members. It Is a heavy blow struck against the present method of choosing Senators, and, if repeated, is likely to bo a fatal one. A Sham Independence. New York Tribune. Mr. Bryan's line of attack has shrewd ly shifted In ono respect. Seeing tho ab surdity of denouncing what has been dono In the Philippines without naming any other course, he gravely proposes Philip pine independence protected by the United States. There are some millions of people who will not learn until it is too late that this Nation never has protected Central or South American Republics, as it would be forced by International obligation to maintain independence of tho Philippines. It has never been responsible for them, nor contracted regarding their ports or their respect for property rights. The millions who think will see that Mr. Bryan's proposal means nothing but a sham independence, a fraudulent govern ment by a small minority of the inhabi tants, supported and privately controlled 1 by United States bayonets. M'BRIDE PUSH ACTIVELY AT WORK The lethargy into which the. city, coun ty and state campaign has apparently fallen may serve to deceive tho public as to tho real situation. Active work is being done by all parties by the Republicans openly and. by the Democratic and Mltch-ell-McBrtde bosses stealthily. Evidence has reached Portland that legislative can didates, novo been approached by agents of McBride and Mitchell with covert threate that they must pledge themselves to support the Senator's candidacy, or suf fer tho consequences. The penalty of re fusal, of course, would be defeat. So far as discovered, meager progress has been made along these lines. The Republican candidate usually prefers' to maintain his own digaity and independence and leave himself free to vote for the moat suitable candidate et Salem next "Winter. Nor Is it at all probable that the McBride emis saries will proceed far In their Implied threat to knife tho ticket. They command in tho first place but a small following, and could, not do a great deal If they were to try; and in the second place they know that It will bo suicidal for them to take the chance of certain exposure by enter ing into any very extensive conspiracy to defeat Republicans. Not all tho McBride "push," however, is so prudent. There are some so completely committod to the little Senator's fortunes that they are determined either to rule or nrihv They risk their own political future in setting out on this desperate course, but their own particular "grafts" are at stake, anyway, if they do nothing. The center of this Httlo clique is ir Portland among the Federal Brigade. Jack Mat thews and Pierce Mays and a few asso ciates aro all busy under the guidance of ex-Senator MltcheiL It is not yet certain that Collector of Customs Ike Patterson is doing much but look wise, but probably ho is. Ike is not interested so much in McBride as he Is in himself; and he (Ike; already has his cake and Is eating It. But Jack Matthews is bolder. Jack is familiar with all the devices of political outlawry, and is courageous enough and unscrupu lous enough to pursue them from sheer liking. Besides. Matthews Is grateful and honobt enough to stay "flxed" when "fixed" at all. So he Is immensely Dusy these days. He scarcely expects to keep himself In his present nice place, but he does hope to keep the other fellow out by electing a Democratic Legislative ticket, and that is tho next best thing with him. Jack is openly forninst tho Republican ticket because It happens rot to be con trolled by his present master and will do all he can to beat it. It is slow work. It is Impossible to arouso any great interest in the broken MitcheJl-McBride cause. Tho bulk of the old following realizes that it is useless to keep up tho fight; and they know, too, that tho only persons who do Insist on keeping It up ore doing it solely to serve their personal ends; The alms of the ailtchell-McBride leaders were never so plainly ex posed nnd confessed. The agitation 1st Noafrht to be kept alive by xelf secklng office-holders. There Is nothing- else to it -whatever. Take Mayor Storey's case: "What Is there behind his oppositloni to the Republican ticket? Storey was elected Councilman not Mayor two years ago. After Mayor Mason died, by sharp politics, he persuad ed tho City Council to choose him to All tho unexpired term. Then he aspired to succeed himself and solicited and actively canvassed for the Republican nomination. He was particularly vehement In his op position to a candidate for the same place who four years ago had run independent against the regular Republican nomineo for Mayor and been, instrumental in caus ing his defeat. Storey was a delegate to the Republican city and county convention, and his fellow delegates from the First "Ward were named by him. He partici pated actively In the proceedings of the convention; and himself placed In nomi nation one of tho present candidates fot State Senator. Another was chosen for tho Mayoralty. Under the circumstances, it would seem that the obligation placed upon Storey to support the nominees of that convention, particularly the nominee for Mayor, Is so strong as to be morally binding. He is now In exactly the fame attitude toward his party as the former candidate whom he impeached for treason. "What does ho think of himself? How aro his actions explicable except on the ground of personal pique? Want Tveijrht i the public to Rive to a candidacy of this kind, Inspired by such purposes, aiming solely at personal objects? Storey claims to be as good a Repub lican as any delegate to the late conven tion; but he is evidently too good a Storey man not to support Storey when Storey is a bolter. "Why aro Messrs. Hoy. Greenlcaf. Arm strong and Jordan pushing their own can. dldacles respectively for County Treasurer, Assessor, School Superintendent and Sher iff? "What particular principle or desira ble 'public policy do they stand for? 'What reforms aro they aiming to accomplish? "What public purpose will their retention In office subserve? "What claim of superior efficiency can bo advanced for them? Their sole platform Is that they want the offices. Office Is a good thing: nnd they know a good thing when they see It. Having for twice two years experienced the joys and benefits of a good thing, they are loath to let go. Office is a profitable convenience for theso gentlemen. They care nothing for party unless it helps them. Not one but would have taken the Republican nomination if he could have gotten it, but they did not get it "because the party had sound reasons for nominat ing others. In the case of Mr. Hoyt espe cially, his candidacy is an impertinence. There is no reason, why the cash ier of a local bank should be custo dlan of the count j 'a funds. On the contrary, there are many sound reasons why he shoald not be. The wearisome clamor of Tom Jordan for office, too, ought to be effectually re buked. Ho has pursued office pretty much all his life. It would be Just as well here after for the county to see if it cannot get along without him. "We shall have to do it soma day, and we might as well -begin now. Tho substantial Democratic protest against the sorry "Citizens" ticket is a rebuke to the party bosses that might have been expected. O'Day, Burke and their crowd appear to have thought that the party was in such a state of demoral ization that It would be glad to make any port In a storm. So they cast anchor In the Mitchell-MoBride harbor. But there Is an abiding sense of self-respect In the old-line Democracy, and they refuse to be sold out. There Is a very considerable number of Democrats who do not see what tho party has to gain by striving for the personal success of McBride or Mitchell. "What their false leaders have to gain they are not greatly interested in J promoting. N0TB AND COMMENT. No one can expect tho boiler-makers' strike to bo a quiet affair. You will wish you had registered when' election day comes around. There Is yet time to bankrupt the treas ury if tho Council keeps industriously at It. Dewey need not look for any flattering reception in St. Louis. Ho went to Chi cago first. Pompeii was punished pretty severely, but Detroit had "William Jennings Bryan and James Hamilton Lewis tho same day. Some of tho disappointed Senatorial can didates ought to get work as substitutes from the states that have only ono man wearing the toga. A Yamhill County farmer came into town yesterday and told a policeman that ho wanted to get rid of several acres. Tho policeman directed him to a dentist's office. A new York actress denies a report that sho Is engaged. She gets the "ad.," though. Just as much as if she admitted it, and reserves herself for another by-and-by. A cynical bachelor says that a vounsr man who killed himself because he was refused an opportunity to enter the mat rimonial state, jumped out of the frying pan Into tho fire. Tho press dispatches announce that Roberts is establishing a line of posts across the country. The censor probably killed tho news that the Boers are digging a line of post holes. David B. Hill related In his Syracusa speech that a plank favoring the election of United States Senators directly by the people was in the original draft of tho Chicago platform of 1S96, out was stricken out by the subcommittee on resolutions. against his earnest protest. At the last moment Quay's lieutenants implored Senator "Vest, of Missouri, for his support, but Mr. Vest stoutly resisted and stood by his convictions regarding the law and right of the matter. Senator Piatt, of Connecticut. Is credited with say ing that Mr. Vest's moral courage was as fine a spectacle as he ever had witnessed. There was a decrease of 21.934 In tho membership of the Methodist Church last year, but that was the first year sines 1SS1 to show a decline. Luther Laflin Mills, the well-known Chicago lawyer, attributes the decline to the secularization of the ministry, and the highar criticism. The Baptist year-book for-lSD3 also pre sents disappointing figures. There was a net gain In membership, but only of 39, 691. against 6,1S9 in 1SSS. It was Franklin who said: "He that falls in love with himself will have no rivals," a truism which may be coupled with Goldsmith's remark that "Men sel dom Improve when they have no other models than themselves to copy after." Samuel Johnson occupies a foremost place among wits and emiprammatists. He was usually wise, and seldom so cynical as when he said: "A second marriage is the triumph of hope over experience." Tho mature thought of Napoleon Is a curious commentary on his own career, namely, "Love is the occupation ot an idle man, the amusement of a busy one, and the shipwreck of a sovereign." An English paper reports that "Chinese" Gordon was wont to lead his troops into action in China, as well as In the Soudan, armed with nothing but a ridlng-whlp. Gordon has an illustrious precedent. Na poleon's cavalry leader, Marshal Murat. when he headed a charge, often carried nothing but a ridlng-whlp In his hand, and playfully slashed the Prussian offi cers, who attacked him on the Jena cam palgn, In the face with his whip, leaving marks which enraged them more than a saber cut. At a later date Sir Georgo Paget, who charged with the famous "Six Hundred," at Balaklava, never used his sword, save to ward off blows aimed at him, saylnw afterward In explanation: that It "was his business to lead his men; that It was their business to do the butcher work." Since Jaggs has been a candidate. He's led a dlfTrent life; He takes surprlsln" lnt'rest In The clothln' of his wife. He keeps his ch..dren off the street. An' mokes 'em wash their face. An says he's proud that all his kids Was learnt to know their plsce. He goes to church a lot, an drops A dollar in the plate; He never don" like that before He was a candidate. He goes out nights to fairs an things. An" says he's with 'em strong. An' always wllltn' to assist To help the cause along, t He pays a lot o dead-mrse" fills18' That's run fur years an' years. An smiles, an says that he's behind A little bit, he fears. He tells the tollln' workln'men Their wages Is too low, An says when he's elected that They'll git a better show. He didn't always act that way. It's only Just of late; It's bettered Jaggs an awful lr.t To be a candidate. PliEASAXTItlES OF PAItAGItAPHEItS The Cornfed Philosopher. "When the joko U on you." said tho Cornfed Philosopher, "do not let It stay there. Laugh It off." Indlanapolfc Press. The Cheerful Idiot "There's no use la a stingy man trying to run for' office," said th shoe clerk boarder. "Seems to me," said the Cheerful Idiot, "he would be the very man to save the country." IndlanapolU Press. Following Instructions. "Young Sammio Spender la carrying out his governor's wishes faithfully. Isn't he?" "How's that?" "Why, the old gentleman left instructions In his will that after his death his dust was to be scat tered to the winds." Life. Over the Limit "Your greatest enemy is whisky." said the parson to an Incorrigible, member of his flock. "But," said the waywan one, "you have always told us to love au? enemies." "Yes," answered the good man, "but not to swallow them." Chicago News. "It almost kills mo to stand," moaned the lady In the street car. "If I don't get a seat pretty soon I shall Just drop." And It was only the next day that sho stood up two hours and a half while sho had a dress fitted. But then that's . different thing. Boston Tran script. Hl3 Apprehension. "Do you mean to tell mo you do not regard a public office as a publla trust?" "Well." answered Senator Sorghum, "I don't like to hear It said In Just that way. Whenever you say anything about trusts and office-holding In the same sentence people are. to likely to get suspicious." Washington Star. Manners. The Boston mamma was thorough ly out ot patience. "Thareau," she exclaimed, shaking her 3-year-old son until his outsldo pair of glasses fell off. "how often must I tell you not to devour books with your elbows on the table!" To have a child who Is deficient In manners Is. In some towns, as sharp If not sharper than a serpent's tooth. Detroit Jour nal. Deciphered. '"The toss Is goln' to give a din ner to some of the boys," said the small poli tician. "I got aa Invite this mornln. and on the bottom of It was printed K, S. V. P. What does that mean?" "I wonder," mused the ward-worker. "May bo V. P. stands for Vice-President," " "Oh. I see It now," cried the other, " "Roosevelt Sure for "Vlce-Presl-Uent.' "Philadelphia Press. -C2j